Showing posts with label justice. Show all posts
Showing posts with label justice. Show all posts

Tuesday, February 21, 2012

TEXAS FAITH: When the pew and the pulpit don't see eye-to-eye?


There is a difference between the pew and the pulpit on this matter. Of course, that is not the first time a divide has been seen between the leaders of a religious tradition and those who adhere to that faith. What I would like to hear from you all this week is how such a divide gets resolved in your tradition. I recognize that sometimes they aren't resolved, but I would like you to elaborate upon this question.

Indeed, there is a great difference between the pew and the pulpit and most certainly a few issues get resolved and a few go to the holding pen to be unleashed whenever the opportunity arises to get even.
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Mike Ghouse is a writer, thinker and a speaker on pluralism, politics, Islam, peace and building a cohesive America, links to details at www.MikeGhouse.net. 

Israel Palestine commitment, part 2


Israel's security and justice to the Palestinians are directly proportional to each other. Hundred percent security for Israel comes with 100 percent justice to the Palestinians. A majority of people in the conflict understand this, but the leadership runs aground with short sighted false perceptions.

Huffington post on Israel Palestine solutions : http://www.huffingtonpost.com/mike-ghouse/commitment-to-israelpales_b_1263793.html

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Mike Ghouse is a writer, thinker and a speaker on pluralism, politics, Islam, peace and building a cohesive America, links to details at www.MikeGhouse.net.

Monday, February 8, 2010

An appeal to Muslims about Dr. Afia Siddiqi

An appeal to Muslims about Dr. Afia Siddiqi
Friday, February 5, 2010

http://worldmuslimcongress.blogspot.com/2010/02/appeal-to-muslims-about-dr-afia-siddiqi.html

Today a Manhattan jury found Afia Siddiqui guilty of all charges. Siddique is the Pakistani scientist accused of shooting at her US captors while in custody in Afghanistan. The defense team was counting on the lack of physical evidence against Siddiqui to lead to an acquittal.

My concern is what is floating on the net, “that she fought for Islam” that amounts to twisting the issue from Justice to “religious” one; I believe it is short-sighted and wrong. The issue is about justice, and it has been painful to read and watch the trial, rather the mis-trial and the apparent denial of justice to Dr. Afia Siddiqi.

I appeal to Muslim hallucinaters around the world to keep the issue to Justice otherwise, we will invoke the Neocons to cook up imaginary enemies and change the nature of the issue. It may cause further harm to Dr. Siddiqui’s appeal.

Our system of Justice and our Jury is fair, but we do make mistakes and the system is amenable to that and we need to have patience and honor it.

If you demonstrate, please do it peacefully and make an appeal to justice. Kindly avoid religious slogans, condemnations or other unproductive methods; you may harm the appeal for justice to Dr. Siddiqi by your demonstrations.

As Muslims please follow what the Prophet would have done; pray for the well being of Afia and appeal to the sense of Justice.

Mike Ghouse is a thinker, writer, speaker, optimist and an activist of Pluralism, Interfaith, Co-existence, Peace, Islam and India. He is a frequent guest at the TV, radio and print media offering pluralistic solutions to issues of the day. His work is reflected at three websites and 22 Blogs listed at http://www.mikeghouse.net/

References

The Terror-Industrial Complex - http://www.commondreams.org/view/2010/02/08

Wikipedia : http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aafia_Siddiqui
Please be aware that all that you see in Wiki is not truthful, finding the truth is your own responsibility.

Jury convicts Afia Siddiqui for attempted murder http://www.fsrn.org/audio/headlines-wednesday-february-3-2009/6156

LHCBA condemns verdict against Aafia
http://www.thenews.com.pk/print1.asp?id=222575

New Yorker goes on a hunger strike to protest MIT trained Neuroscientist's guilty conviction - http://www.examiner.com/x-4459-NY-Muslim-Examiner~y2010m2d7-New-Yorker-goes-on-a-hunger-strike-to-protest-MIT-trained-Neuroscientists-guilty-conviction

The Curious Case Of Dr. Afia Siddiqui – http://www.countercurrents.org/versey060210.htm

Pakistan request US to release neurologist on humanitarian ground - http://www.unnindia.com/english/story.php?Id=5899

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Here are three recent articles on Dr. Siddiqi:

1. By Yvonne Ridley
2. Saeed Qureshi.
3. Wikepedia Profile

Dr. Afia Siddiqi by Yvonne Ridley
THE TRUTH ABOUT US JUSTICE
By Yvonne Ridley

Many of us are still in a state of shock over the guilty verdict returned on Dr Aafia Siddiqui.

The response from the people of Pakistan was predictable and overwhelming and I salute their spontaneous actions. From Peshawar to Islamabad, Karachi, Lahore and beyond they marched in their thousands demanding the return of Aafia.

Even some of the US media expressed discomfort over the verdict returned by the jurors … there was a general feeling that something was not right. Everyone had something to say, everyone that is except the usually verbose US Ambassador Anne Patterson who has spent the last two years briefing against Dr Aafia and her supporters.

This is the same woman who claimed I was a fantasist when I gave a press conference with Tehreek e Insaf leader Imran Khan back in July 2008 revealing the plight of a female prisoner in Bagram called the Grey Lady.

She said I was talking nonsense and stated categorically that the prisoner I referred to as “650” did not exist. By the end of the month she changed her story and said there had been a female prisoner but that she was most definitely not Dr Aafia Siddiqui.

By that time Aafia had been gunned down at virtually point blank range in an Afghan prison cell jammed full of more than a dozen US soldiers, FBI agents and Afghan police.

Her Excellency briefed the media that the prisoner had wrested an M4 gun from one soldier and fired off two rounds and had to be subdued. The fact these bullets failed to hit a single person in the cell and simply disappeared did not resonate with the diplomat.

In a letter dripping in untruths on August 16 2008 she decried the “erroneous and irresponsible media reports regarding the arrest of Ms
Aafia Siddiqui”. She went on to say: “Unfortunately,
there are some who have an interest in simply distorting the facts in an effort to manipulate and inflame public opinion. The truth is never served by sensationalism…”

When Jamaat Islami invited me on a national tour of Pakistan to address people about the continued abuse of Dr Aafia and the truth about her incarceration in Bagram, the US Ambassador continued to issue rebuttals.

She assured us all that Dr Aafia was being treated humanely had been given consular access as set out in international law … hmm. Well I have a challenge for Ms Patterson today. I challenge her to repeat every single word she said back then and swear it is the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.

As Dr Aafia Siddiqui’s trial got underway, the US Ambassador and some of her stooges from the intelligence world laid on a lavish party at the US Embassy in Islamabad for some hand-picked journalists where I’ve no doubt in between the dancing, drinks and music they were carefully briefed about the so-called facts of the case.

Interesting that some of the potentially incriminating pictures taken at the private party managed to find the Ambassador was probably hoping to minimize the impact the trial would have on the streets of Pakistan proving that, for the years she has been holed up and barricaded behind concrete bunkers and barbed wire, she has learned nothing about this great country of Pakistan or its people.

One astute Pakistani columnist wrote about her: “The respected lady seems to have forgotten the words of her own country’s 16th president Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865): “You
can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some
of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time”.

And the people of Pakistan proved they are nobody’s fool and responded to the guilty verdict in New York in an appropriate way.

When injustice is the law it is the duty of everyone to rise up and challenge that injustice in any way possible. The response – so far – has been restrained and measured but it is just the start. A sentence has yet to be delivered by Judge Richard Berman in May.

Of course there has been a great deal of finger pointing and blame towards the jury in New York who found Dr Aafia guilty of attempted murder.

Observers asked how they could ignore the science and the irrefutable facts … there was absolutely no evidence linking Dr Aafia to the gun, no bullets, no residue from firing it.

But I really don’t think we can blame the jurors for the verdict - you see the jury simply could not handle the truth. Had they taken the logical route and gone for the science and the hard, cold, clinical facts it would have meant two things. It would have meant around eight US soldiers took the oath and lied in court to save their own skins and careers or it would have meant that Dr Aafia Siddiqui was telling the truth.

And, as I said before, the jury couldn’t handle the truth. Because that would have meant that the defendant really had been kidnapped, abused, tortured and held in dark, secret prisons by the US before being shot and put on a rendition flight to New York. It would have meant that her three children – two of them US citizens – would also have been kidnapped, abused and tortured by the US.

They say ignorance is bliss and this jury so desperately wanted not to believe that the US could have had a hand in the kidnapping of a five-month -old baby boy, a five-year-old girl and her seven-year-old brother.

They couldn’t handle the truth … it is as simple as that.

Well I, and many others across the world like me, can’t handle any more lies. America’s reputation is lying in the lowest gutters in Pakistan at the moment and it can’t sink any lower.

The trust has gone, there is only a burning hatred and resentment towards a superpower which sends unmanned drones into villages to slaughter innocents.

It is fair to say that America’s goodwill and credibility is all but washed up with most honest, decent citizens of Pakistan.

And I think even Her Excellency Anne Patterson recognizes that fact which is why she is now keeping her mouth shut.

If she has any integrity and any self respect left she should stand before the Pakistan people and ask for their forgiveness for the drone murders, the extra judicial killings, the black operations, the kidnapping, torture and rendition of its citizens, the water-boarding, the bribery, the corruption and, not least of all, the injustice handed out to Dr Aafia Siddiqui and her family.

She should then pick up the phone to the US President and tell him to release Aafia and return Pakistan’s most loved, respected and famous daughter and reunite her with the two children who are still missing.

Then she should re-read her letter of August 16, 2008 and write another … one of resignation.

Yvonne Ridley is a patron of Cageprisoners which first brought the plight of Dr Aafia Siddiqui to the world’s attention shortly after her kidnap in March 2003. The award-winning, investigative journalist also co-produced the documentary In Search of Prisoner 650 with film-maker Hassan al Banna Ghani which concluded that the Grey Lady of Bagram was Dr Aafia Siddiqui

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Verdict on Dr Afia
By Saeed Qureshi

When Dr Afia was first picked up by the moles of intelligence in March 2003 in Pakistan against the charge of her association with the Al-Qaida terrorists. She was secretly kept in Afghanistan’s notorious Bagram prison for 5 years without any trial. Finally when a British female journalist disclosed her presence by hearing her screams as prisoner number 650, the concerned American authorities reluctantly moved her to the United States. Here too it took considerable amount of time for her case of abetment of Islamic terrorist to be initiated before the court.

But while the previous charge seems to have been pushed on the back burner, a new charge was framed and brought against her. She was accused of snatching a gun from an American soldier with a view to fire at him. Now when one looks at the hearing the whole case put up by the prosecution is replete with contradictions. It is utterly unimaginable for a delicate, educated women reduced to a skinny skeleton of bones after years of rigorous incarceration to first snatch a gun and then aim at some one. The whole incident took place behind a curtain with no direct witness.

The case otherwise calls for mercy to the defendant on humanitarian grounds. Someone from the American penal and legal system should have a heart and honest courage to point out the clumsy way she is being prosecuted in the American court. A totally mentally and physically broken women whose fault or crime is yet to be established conclusively, has been so much brutalized that one disdains the claims of the upholders of human rights and refinement of human civilization in the present age of enlightenment.

Even if there was scuffle that in normal circumstances can take place, did she deserve 5 years of unwarranted stay in one of the most horrifying prisons of wild land called Afghanistan? Have a heart and look closely at the credentials of the case that even a child can figure out is frivolous and is being blown out of proportion by the quarters who would in any case like her to be declared a convict. The justice stands totally wounded and abandoned by the people who are so powerful to get a convoluted verdict irrespective of the merits of the case.

Dr. Afia, a U. S. citizen and a refined woman did not actually hurt anyone, did not injure any one nor was implicated in any offence that would entitle her to such a long jail term without trial which she has already gone through. By all indications she is a law abiding US citizen with good academic record. What is called Christian mercy was not shown to her and where is the noble concept of benefit of doubt?

She has never been given a chance to give her point of view so that there would have been a clearer picture whether she was wrongly picked upon mere doubt or there was some substance behind that. After all she is an American citizen but perhaps her tag of being a Muslim American is an anathema to her tormenters who in any case wanted to prove them justified. Who is going to restore to her the 7 years of her life that this sophisticated women spent in the stinking and dreadful dungeon of Afghanistan and in U.S. prison.

Her children were not her accomplices if at all she came under suspicion of her abductors. How and why these innocent souls were made to suffer so enormously? Has the conscience of the entire world gone dead? What kind of war on terror is being waged when the pristine concept of justice is audaciously trampled to the extent that the future of the small kids of a suspect female also stands darkened?

The trust of fair trial for those who are rightly or mistakenly apprehended loses its validity when seen the crude and discriminate way all are targeted alike: the hardened and proven criminals and those with scant suspicion or drummed up charges like Dr. Afia.

Since Dr. Afia has already suffered immensely and perhaps unjustifiably she deserves a presidential pardon or reconsideration of the verdict handed out by an ambivalent jury which took two days to reach this otherwise controversial decision. The whole case is shrouded in unclear proceedings and is supported perhaps by doubtful and spurious evidence. For the human conscience, the American spirit of humanism, the constitution of the United States of America, for the sake of a fair legal system and for sanctity of the immortal Bill or Rights, Dr. Afia is eligible to be freed and rejoin her family and children also suffering trauma and agony all these years along with Dr. Afia’s harrowing afflictions and unspeakable tribulations.
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You are welcome to post your “thoughtful” comments on this link, knee-jerk responses will not be posted, our goal is to create positive change and not rhetoric.

http://worldmuslimcongress.blogspot.com/2010/02/appeal-to-muslims-about-dr-afia-siddiqi.html#comments

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Saturday, April 5, 2008

Bahrain not sunny for Shias

Article follows my comments;

This article is worth reading in the light of how governments get toppled violently. It is the tragedy of the humanity, where the rulers gets arrogant and believe that the minority is subservient to them, because they know it better.

Peace talks fall flat in the face of injustice which ensures non-sustainability of a government, people will bear it and bear it, but deep in their heart there is a spark that craves for justice, and each incident accumulates and catches fire to the point that, it is difficult to reverse the idea of getting even when they get their turn.

This arrogance is not a characteristic of Bahraini rulers alone, it is with the Republicans, Neocons, Islamists, Hindutva, Zionists and other extremists groups.

I hope the Bahraini rulers wake up and take care of the disadvantaged ones before it is too late. Stability of a government is directly dependent on its ability to ensure justice for one and all.

Mike Ghouse
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Not so sunny for Shias
Apr 3rd 2008 MANAMA, BAHRAIN
From The Economist print edition


A put-upon majority feels done down—and is getting angry

THE monarchy of Bahrain regards itself as a beacon of democracy in the Middle East. It was the first in the Gulf to give all its citizens the vote, setting up a partially elected parliament, albeit with limited powers, in 2002. Yet in the past few months its officials concede that in an average week there have been more than two riots and five public protests.

Most of the unrest takes place outside the predominantly Sunni capital, Manama, in poorer, mostly Shia, villages. No official statistics are published but some villagers say that a third or even half of them have no jobs. Bahrainis are readier to work in menial jobs than their wealthier counterparts in Kuwait or the United Arab Emirates but cheap foreign workers depress wages. A typical foreign construction worker is housed in a labour camp, cannot bring his family to Bahrain and earns around $160 a month, which would barely support a Bahraini family with four or five children.

The soaring price of land is another grumbling point. Some Bahrainis have been waiting for state housing since 1992. Mortgages are hard to get. Yet the government has embarked on a grandiose campaign to reclaim land, with banks pouring cash into construction. Many of the new schemes are for fancy flats and artificial islands, like those in Dubai, and are more likely to be sold to rich Saudis or people from the emirates than to Bahrainis.


To make matters worse, these inequalities often have a sectarian tint. Most Bahrainis are Shias but the royal family is Sunni. The Shias are more likely to be jobless; many government employers discriminate in favour of Sunnis. “Recently I went for a public-sector job and they asked me what sect I was,” says a sour Shia mechanic. “But I didn't come to the garage to pray!”
Ebrahim Sharif, a former banker, heads Wa'ad, a liberal Arab-nationalist party. Himself a Sunni, he thinks Sunni and Shia Bahrainis should form a united opposition. “Most of the Shias are worse off than the average Sunni but the only first-class citizens are the royal family,” he says. However his party lost all its seats in the last election, and the parliament is dominated by Islamists of both sects.


These included the country's main Shia opposition group, Wefaq National Islamic Society, which joined parliament in 2006 after boycotting the previous election four years earlier. Its presence raised hopes of change. But voters are growing frustrated with parliament as they realise how few powers its elected members have. The government controls the pace of liberalisation. Local political activists get little support from abroad. America is wary of calling for more democracy. It fears that parliamentarians may turn against America's naval base in Bahrain, its biggest in the Gulf; last year a majority of them declared that it should not be used in any war between America and Iran. More recently the government has signed an agreement with America to help Bahrain develop peaceful nuclear technology.


Wefaq must now deal with one of the trickiest sectarian issues raised by its supporters: a widespread rumour that the government is handing out passports to Sunnis from other countries in an attempt to turn the Shias into a minority. These fears were raised in a report in 2006 by a former government adviser, Salah al-Bandar, who said he had confidential government documents revealing such a plan, The government hotly denies any such thing. The row has flared up again with the publication of government statistics that show the population jumping by 41% last year and the number of citizens growing by 15%, against a previous rate of 2.4%.


Wefaq wants to question a minister named in Mr Bandar's report. The constitution says a minister must submit to questions in parliament if five of the assembly's members so demand; in this case, 18 want the minister questioned, so far in vain. The row has paralysed parliament for the past six weeks as debates have descended into shouting matches; for one week it was suspended. A Sunni Islamist member says it should be dissolved. Wefaq is wondering whether it was sensible to have joined it.


This week, just before its officials were to attend a UN meeting to review Bahrain's human-rights record, the government said it would set up a new human-rights task-force. What a coincidence

Saturday, March 22, 2008

Pope Baptizes a Muslim


Pope baptizes prominent Italian Muslim

Article follows moderators comments;

Alhamdu Lillahi, praise the lord, (الْحَمْدُ للّهِ رَبِّ الْعَالَمِينَ 1:2) he knows and he is aware of every thing we do. He is the Malik-i-Yom-iddin, (مَـالِكِ يَوْمِ الدِّينِ 1:4) master of the day of the judgment.

We have several choices, and we need to evaluate the consequence of each choice.

i) We should not let his action have the capacity to irritate the weakest amongst us by reacting with vengeance. He wanted to choose another faith, let him. You cannot force any one to believe what one does not feel - Attempts to push him violates two basics - no oppression and no compulsion.

ii) Proclaim he is a bad guy - what good will it do?

iii) Issue a fatwa to kill him - This is where Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) wanted us to struggle (jihaad) against our base emotions of avenge and anger and win over them. Let's listen to the prophet and follow his guidance.

iv) Just do nothing, there are so many things happening in the world that needs our attention.

v) The more we re-act, the more they will be tempted to irritate us. I hope that is not what we want.

vi) Write in your own solution, solution must not create havoc, destruction and bad blood but bring peace - that is the name of our religion.

vii) Ignore and just live on your life.

Mike Ghouse
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Pope baptizes prominent Italian Muslim
By NICOLE WINFIELD, Associated Press Writer http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20080322/ap_on_re_eu/pope_muslim_convert;_ylt=An.N8vVqFLLdc1KsIIjk5fBbbBAF

VATICAN CITY - Italy's most prominent Muslim, an iconoclastic writer who condemned Islamic extremism and defended Israel, converted to Catholicism Saturday in a baptism by the pope at a Vatican Easter service.

An Egyptian-born, non-practicing Muslim who is married to a Catholic, Magdi Allam infuriated some Muslims with his books and columns in the newspaper Corriere della Sera newspaper, where he is a deputy editor. He titled one book "Long Live Israel."

As a choir sang, Pope Benedict XVI poured holy water over Allam's head and said a brief prayer in Latin.

"We no longer stand alongside or in opposition to one another," Benedict said in a homily reflecting on the meaning of baptism. "Thus faith is a force for peace and reconciliation in the world: distances between people are overcome, in the Lord we have become close."

Vatican Television zoomed in on Allam, who sat in the front row of the basilica along with six other candidates for baptism. He later received his first Communion.

Allam, 55, told the newspaper Il Giornale in a December interview that his criticism of Palestinian suicide bombing provoked threats on his life in 2003, prompting the Italian government to provide him with a sizable security detail.

The Union of Islamic Communities in Italy — which Allam has frequently criticized as having links to Hamas — said the baptism was his own decision.

"He is an adult, free to make his personal choice," the Apcom news agency quoted the group's spokesman, Issedin El Zir, as saying.

Yahya Pallavicini, vice president of Coreis, the Islamic religious community in Italy, said he respected Allam's choice but said he was "perplexed" by the symbolic and high-profile way in which he chose to convert.

"If Allam truly was compelled by a strong spiritual inspiration, perhaps it would have been better to do it delicately, maybe with a priest from Viterbo where he lives," the ANSA news agency quoted Pallavicini as saying.

The nighttime Easter vigil service at St. Peter's Basilica marked the period between Good Friday, which commemorates Jesus' crucifixion, and Easter Sunday, which marks his resurrection.

Benedict opened by blessing a white candle, which he then carried down the main aisle of the darkened basilica. Slowly, the pews began to light up as his flame was shared with candles carried by the faithful, until the whole basilica twinkled and the main lights came on.

The pope administers baptism "without making any 'difference of people,' that is, considering all equally important before the love of God and welcoming all in the community of the Church," said the Vatican spokesman, the Rev. Federico Lombardi.

Allam, who has a young son with his Catholic wife and two adult children from a previous relationship, indicated in the Il Giornale interview that he would have no problem converting to Christianity. He said he had even received Communion once — when he was 13 or 14 — "even though I knew it was an act of blasphemy, not having been baptized."

He did not speak to the press Saturday and his newspaper said it had no information about his conversion.

Allam said in the interview that he had made a pilgrimage to Mecca, as is required of all Muslims, with his deeply religious mother in 1991, although he was not otherwise observant.

"I was never practicing," he was quoted as saying. "I never prayed five times a day, facing Mecca. I never fasted during Ramadan."

Allam also explained his decision to title a recent book "Viva Israele" by saying he wrote it after he received death threats from Hamas.

"Having been condemned to death, I have reflected a long time on the value of life. And I discovered that behind the origin of the ideology of hatred, violence and death is the discrimination against Israel. Everyone has the right to exist except for the Jewish state and its inhabitants," he said. "Today, Israel is the paradigm of the right to life."

In 2006, Allam was a co-winner, with three other journalists, of the $1 million Dan David prize, named for an Israeli entrepreneur. Allam was cited for "his ceaseless work in fostering understanding and tolerance between cultures."

There is no overarching Muslim law on conversion. But under a widespread interpretation of Islamic legal doctrine, converting from Islam is apostasy and punishable by death — though killings are rare.

Egypt's highest Islamic cleric, the Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa, wrote last year against the killing of apostates, saying there is no worldly retribution for Muslims who abandon their religion and that punishment would come in the afterlife.

On Wednesday, a new audio message from Osama bin Laden accused the pope of playing a "large and lengthy role" in a "new Crusade" against Islam that included the publication of drawings of the Prophet Muhammad that many Muslims found insulting.

Lombardi said Thursday that bin Laden's accusation was baseless. He said Benedict repeatedly criticized the Muhammad cartoons, first published in some European newspapers in 2006 and republished by Danish papers in February.

Sunday, March 16, 2008

Why Shariah?*****

Why Shariah? by Noah Feldman (***** Five star Article on the subject)
International Herald Tribune,By Noah Feldman, Sunday, March 16, 2008

Mike Ghouse : Noah Feldman’s article below “Why Shariah” published in the International Herald Tribune provides an overview of the subject, It is one of the best articles on the subject, the other one being “Sharia Value” by Dr. Mohammad Omar Farooq.

Noah Feldman is rare western author on Islam who has a built-in refresh button in his mind to think. Most of the Western “experts on Islam” lack the original knowledge and are fed by wrong foundation laid out in the medieval times by the European kings. They chase their own tails.

I am pleased to highlight some of the powerful sentences in this article.

1. "In fact, for most of its history, Islamic law offered the most liberal and humane legal principles available anywhere in the world."

2. One reason for the divergence between Western and Muslim views of Shariah is that we are not all using the word to mean the same thing. Although it is commonplace to use the word "Shariah" and the phrase "Islamic law" interchangeably, this prosaic English translation does not capture the full set of associations that the term "Shariah" conjures for the believer.

3. At its core, Shariah represents the idea that all human beings — and all human governments — are subject to justice under the law.

4. But if Shariah is popular among many Muslims in large part because of its historical association with the rule of law, can it actually do the same work today?

5. In only two important instances do scholars today exercise real power, and in both cases we can see a deviation from their traditional role. The first is Iran… and the second is Saudi Arabia.

6. The answer that developed over the first couple of centuries of Islam was that the Koran could be supplemented by reference to the prophet's life — his sunna, his path. (The word "sunna" is the source of the designation Sunni — one who follows the prophet's path.) His actions and words were captured in an oral tradition, beginning presumably with a person who witnessed the action or statement firsthand.

7. Under the constitutional theory that the scholars developed to explain the division of labor in the Islamic state, the caliph had paramount responsibility to fulfill the divine injunction to "command the right and prohibit the wrong." But this was not a task he could accomplish on his own. It required him to delegate responsibility to scholarly judges, who would apply God's law as they interpreted it. The caliph could promote or fire them as he wished, but he could not dictate legal results: judicial authority came from the caliph, but the law came from the scholars.

8. Once the law existed in codified form, however, the law itself was able to replace the scholars as the source of authority. Codification took from the scholars their all-important claim to have the final say over the content of the law and transferred that power to the state. To placate the scholars, the government kept the Shariah courts running but restricted them to handling family-law matters.

9. Promulgated in 1876, the Ottoman constitution created a legislature composed of two lawmaking bodies — one elected, one appointed by the sultan. This amounted to the first democratic institution in the Muslim world; had it established itself, it might have popularized the notion that the people represent the ultimate source of legal authority.

10. . With the scholars out of the way and no legislature to replace them, the sultan found himself in the position of near-absolute ruler. This arrangement set the pattern for government in the Muslim world after the Ottoman empire fell. Law became a tool of the ruler, not an authority over him. What followed, perhaps unsurprisingly, was dictatorship and other forms of executive dominance — the state of affairs confronted by the Islamists who seek to restore Shariah.A Democratic Shariah?

11. The Islamists today, partly out of realism, partly because they are rarely scholars themselves, seem to have little interest in restoring the scholars to their old role as the constitutional balance to the executive. The Islamist movement, like other modern ideologies, seeks to capture the existing state and then transform society through the tools of modern government. Its vision for bringing Shariah to bear therefore incorporates two common features of modern government: the legislature and the constitution.

12. Something of the sort may slowly be happening in Turkey. The Islamists there are much more liberal than anywhere else in the Muslim world; they do not even advocate the adoption of Shariah (a position that would get their government closed down by the staunchly secular military). Yet their central focus is the rule of law and the expansion of basic rights against the Turkish tradition of state-centered secularism. The courts are under increasing pressure to go along with that vision.

13. Can Shariah provide the necessary resources for such a rethinking of the judicial role? In its essence, Shariah aspires to be a law that applies equally to every human, great or small, ruler or ruled. No one is above it, and everyone at all times is bound by it. But the history of Shariah also shows that the ideals of the rule of law cannot be implemented in a vacuum.

14. Still, with all its risks and dangers, the Islamists' aspiration to renew old ideas of the rule of law while coming to terms with contemporary circumstances is bold and noble — and may represent a path to just and legitimate government in much of the Muslim world.

I am pleased to see a westerner understands this, and this understanding would lead to acceptance and appreciation of a different point of view, rather than a conflicting view.

Mike Ghouse
#### and now the article:

Why Shariah?
By Noah Feldman
Sunday, March 16, 2008
http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/03/16/news/16shariaht.php

Last month, Rowan Williams, the archbishop of Canterbury, gave a nuanced, scholarly lecture in London about whether the British legal system should allow non-Christian courts to decide certain matters of family law. Britain has no constitutional separation of church and state. The archbishop noted that "the law of the Church of England is the law of the land" there; indeed, ecclesiastical courts that once handled marriage and divorce are still integrated into the British legal system, deciding matters of church property and doctrine. His tentative suggestion was that, subject to the agreement of all parties and the strict requirement of protecting equal rights for women, it might be a good idea to consider allowing Islamic and Orthodox Jewish courts to handle marriage and divorce.

Then all hell broke loose. From politicians across the spectrum to senior church figures and the ubiquitous British tabloids came calls for the leader of the world's second largest Christian denomination to issue a retraction or even resign. Williams has spent the last couple of years trying to hold together the global Anglican Communion in the face of continuing controversies about ordaining gay priests and recognizing same-sex marriages. Yet little in that contentious battle subjected him to the kind of outcry that his reference to religious courts unleashed. Needless to say, the outrage was not occasioned by Williams's mention of Orthodox Jewish law. For the purposes of public discussion, it was the word "Shariah" that was radioactive.

In some sense, the outrage about according a degree of official status to Shariah in a Western country should come as no surprise. No legal system has ever had worse press. To many, the word "Shariah" conjures horrors of hands cut off, adulterers stoned and women oppressed. By contrast, who today remembers that the much-loved English common law called for execution as punishment for hundreds of crimes, including theft of any object worth five shillings or more? How many know that until the 18th century, the laws of most European countries authorized torture as an official component of the criminal-justice system? As for sexism, the common law long denied married women any property rights or indeed legal personality apart from their husbands. When the British applied their law to Muslims in place of Shariah, as they did in some colonies, the result was to strip married women of the property that Islamic law had always granted them — hardly progress toward equality of the sexes.

In fact, for most of its history, Islamic law offered the most liberal and humane legal principles available anywhere in the world. Today, when we invoke the harsh punishments prescribed by Shariah for a handful of offenses, we rarely acknowledge the high standards of proof necessary for their implementation. Before an adultery conviction can typically be obtained, for example, the accused must confess four times or four adult male witnesses of good character must testify that they directly observed the sex act. The extremes of our own legal system — like life sentences for relatively minor drug crimes, in some cases — are routinely ignored. We neglect to mention the recent vintage of our tentative improvements in family law. It sometimes seems as if we need Shariah as Westerners have long needed Islam: as a canvas on which to project our ideas of the horrible, and as a foil to make us look good.

In the Muslim world, on the other hand, the reputation of Shariah has undergone an extraordinary revival in recent years. A century ago, forward-looking Muslims thought of Shariah as outdated, in need of reform or maybe abandonment. Today, 66 percent of Egyptians, 60 percent of Pakistanis and 54 percent of Jordanians say that Shariah should be the only source of legislation in their countries. Islamist political parties, like those associated with the transnational Muslim Brotherhood, make the adoption of Shariah the most prominent plank in their political platforms. And the message resonates. Wherever Islamists have been allowed to run for office in Arabic-speaking countries, they have tended to win almost as many seats as the governments have let them contest. The Islamist movement in its various incarnations — from moderate to radical — is easily the fastest growing and most vital in the Muslim world; the return to Shariah is its calling card.
How is it that what so many Westerners see as the most unappealing and premodern aspect of Islam is, to many Muslims, the vibrant, attractive core of a global movement of Islamic revival? The explanation surely must go beyond the oversimplified assumption that Muslims want to use Shariah to reverse feminism and control women — especially since large numbers of women support the Islamists in general and the ideal of Shariah in particular.Is Shariah the Rule of Law?

One reason for the divergence between Western and Muslim views of Shariah is that we are not all using the word to mean the same thing. Although it is commonplace to use the word "Shariah" and the phrase "Islamic law" interchangeably, this prosaic English translation does not capture the full set of associations that the term "Shariah" conjures for the believer. Shariah, properly understood, is not just a set of legal rules. To believing Muslims, it is something deeper and higher, infused with moral and metaphysical purpose. At its core, Shariah represents the idea that all human beings — and all human governments — are subject to justice under the law.

In fact, "Shariah" is not the word traditionally used in Arabic to refer to the processes of Islamic legal reasoning or the rulings produced through it: that word is fiqh, meaning something like Islamic jurisprudence. The word "Shariah" connotes a connection to the divine, a set of unchanging beliefs and principles that order life in accordance with God's will. Westerners typically imagine that Shariah advocates simply want to use the Koran as their legal code. But the reality is much more complicated. Islamist politicians tend to be very vague about exactly what it would mean for Shariah to be the source for the law of the land — and with good reason, because just adopting such a principle would not determine how the legal system would actually operate.

Shariah is best understood as a kind of higher law, albeit one that includes some specific, worldly commands. All Muslims would agree, for example, that it prohibits lending money at interest — though not investments in which risks and returns are shared; and the ban on Muslims drinking alcohol is an example of an unequivocal ritual prohibition, even for liberal interpreters of the faith. Some rules associated with Shariah are undoubtedly old-fashioned and harsh. Men and women are treated unequally, for example, by making it hard for women to initiate divorce without forfeiting alimony. The prohibition on sodomy, though historically often unenforced, makes recognition of same-sex relationships difficult to contemplate. But Shariah also prohibits bribery or special favors in court. It demands equal treatment for rich and poor. It condemns the vigilante-style honor killings that still occur in some Middle Eastern countries. And it protects everyone's property — including women's — from being taken from them. Unlike in Iran, where wearing a head scarf is legally mandated and enforced by special religious police, the Islamist view in most other Muslim countries is that the head scarf is one way of implementing the religious duty to dress modestly — a desirable social norm, not an enforceable legal rule. And mandating capital punishment for apostasy is not on the agenda of most elected Islamists. For many Muslims today, living in corrupt autocracies, the call for Shariah is not a call for sexism, obscurantism or savage punishment but for an Islamic version of what the West considers its most prized principle of political justice: the rule of law.The Sway of the Scholars
To understand Shariah's deep appeal, we need to ask a crucial question that is rarely addressed in the West: What, in fact, is the system of Islamic law? In his lifetime, the Prophet Muhammad was both the religious and the political leader of the community of Muslim believers. His revelation, the Koran, contained some laws, pertaining especially to ritual matters and inheritance; but it was not primarily a legal book and did not include a lengthy legal code of the kind that can be found in parts of the Hebrew Bible. When the first generation of believers needed guidance on a subject that was not addressed by revelation, they went directly to Muhammad. He either answered of his own accord or, if he was unsure, awaited divine guidance in the form of a new revelation.

With the death of Muhammad, divine revelation to the Muslim community stopped. The role of the political-religious leader passed to a series of caliphs (Arabic for "substitute") who stood in the prophet's stead. That left the caliph in a tricky position when it came to resolving difficult legal matters. The caliph possessed Muhammad's authority but not his access to revelation. It also left the community in something of a bind. If the Koran did not speak clearly to a particular question, how was the law to be determined?

The answer that developed over the first couple of centuries of Islam was that the Koran could be supplemented by reference to the prophet's life — his sunna, his path. (The word "sunna" is the source of the designation Sunni — one who follows the prophet's path.) His actions and words were captured in an oral tradition, beginning presumably with a person who witnessed the action or statement firsthand. Accurate reports had to be distinguished from false ones. But of course even a trustworthy report on a particular situation could not directly resolve most new legal problems that arose later. To address such problems, it was necessary to reason by analogy from one situation to another. There was also the possibility that a communal consensus existed on what to do under particular circumstances, and that, too, was thought to have substantial weight.

This fourfold combination — the Koran, the path of the prophet as captured in the collections of reports, analogical reasoning and consensus — amounted to a basis for a legal system. But who would be able to say how these four factors fit together? Indeed, who had the authority to say that these factors and not others formed the sources of the law? The first four caliphs, who knew the prophet personally, might have been able to make this claim for themselves. But after them, the caliphs were faced with a growing group of specialists who asserted that they, collectively, could ascertain the law from the available sources. This self-appointed group came to be known as the scholars — and over the course of a few generations, they got the caliphs to acknowledge them as the guardians of the law. By interpreting a law that originated with God, they gained control over the legal system as it actually existed. That made them, and not the caliphs, into "the heirs of the prophets."
Among the Sunnis, this model took effect very early and persisted until modern times. For the Shiites, who believe that the succession of power followed the prophet's lineage, the prophet had several successors who claimed extraordinary divine authority. Once they were gone, however, the Shiite scholars came to occupy a role not unlike that of their Sunni counterparts.

Under the constitutional theory that the scholars developed to explain the division of labor in the Islamic state, the caliph had paramount responsibility to fulfill the divine injunction to "command the right and prohibit the wrong." But this was not a task he could accomplish on his own. It required him to delegate responsibility to scholarly judges, who would apply God's law as they interpreted it. The caliph could promote or fire them as he wished, but he could not dictate legal results: judicial authority came from the caliph, but the law came from the scholars.

The caliphs — and eventually the sultans who came to rule once the caliphate lost most of its worldly influence — still had plenty of power. They handled foreign affairs more or less at their discretion. And they could also issue what were effectively administrative regulations — provided these regulations did not contradict what the scholars said Shariah required. The regulations addressed areas where Shariah was silent. They also enabled the state to regulate social conduct without having to put every case before the courts, where convictions would often be impossible to obtain because of the strict standards of proof required for punishment. As a result of these regulations, many legal matters (perhaps most) fell outside the rules given specifically by Shariah.

The upshot is that the system of Islamic law as it came to exist allowed a great deal of leeway. That is why today's advocates of Shariah as the source of law are not actually recommending the adoption of a comprehensive legal code derived from or dictated by Shariah — because nothing so comprehensive has ever existed in Islamic history. To the Islamist politicians who advocate it or for the public that supports it, Shariah generally means something else. It means establishing a legal system in which God's law sets the ground rules, authorizing and validating everyday laws passed by an elected legislature. In other words, for them, Shariah is expected to function as something like a modern constitution.The Rights of Humans and the Rights of God
So in contemporary Islamic politics, the call for Shariah does not only or primarily mean mandating the veiling of women or the use of corporal punishment — it has an essential constitutional dimension as well. But what is the particular appeal of placing Shariah above ordinary law?

The answer lies in a little-remarked feature of traditional Islamic government: that a state under Shariah was, for more than a thousand years, subject to a version of the rule of law. And as a rule-of-law government, the traditional Islamic state had an advantage that has been lost in the dictatorships and autocratic monarchies that have governed so much of the Muslim world for the last century. Islamic government was legitimate, in the dual sense that it generally respected the individual legal rights of its subjects and was seen by them as doing so. These individual legal rights, known as "the rights of humans" (in contrast to "the rights of God" to such things as ritual obedience), included basic entitlements to life, property and legal process — the protections from arbitrary government oppression sought by people all over the world for centuries.

Of course, merely declaring the ruler subject to the law was not enough on its own; the ruler actually had to follow the law. For that, he needed incentives. And as it happened, the system of government gave him a big one, in the form of a balance of power with the scholars. The ruler might be able to use pressure once in a while to get the results he wanted in particular cases. But because the scholars were in charge of the law, and he was not, the ruler could pervert the course of justice only at the high cost of being seen to violate God's law — thereby undermining the very basis of his rule.

In practice, the scholars' leverage to demand respect for the law came from the fact that the caliphate was not hereditary as of right. That afforded the scholars major influence at the transitional moments when a caliph was being chosen or challenged. On taking office, a new ruler — even one designated by his dead predecessor — had to fend off competing claimants. The first thing he would need was affirmation of the legitimacy of his assumption of power. The scholars were prepared to offer just that, in exchange for the ruler's promise to follow the law.

Once in office, rulers faced the inevitable threat of invasion or a palace coup. The caliph would need the scholars to declare a religious obligation to protect the state in a defensive jihad. Having the scholars on his side in times of crisis was a tremendous asset for the ruler who could be said to follow the law. Even if the ruler was not law-abiding, the scholars still did not spontaneously declare a sitting caliph disqualified. This would have been foolish, especially in view of the fact that the scholars had no armies at their disposal and the sitting caliph did. But their silence could easily be interpreted as an invitation for a challenger to step forward and be validated.

The scholars' insistence that the ruler obey Shariah was motivated largely by their belief that it was God's will. But it was God's will as they interpreted it. As a confident, self-defined elite that controlled and administered the law according to well-settled rules, the scholars were agents of stability and predictability — crucial in societies where the transition from one ruler to the next could be disorderly and even violent. And by controlling the law, the scholars could limit the ability of the executive to expropriate the property of private citizens. This, in turn, induced the executive to rely on lawful taxation to raise revenues, which itself forced the rulers to be responsive to their subjects' concerns. The scholars and their law were thus absolutely essential to the tremendous success that Islamic society enjoyed from its inception into the 19th century. Without Shariah, there would have been no Haroun al-Rashid in Baghdad, no golden age of Muslim Spain, no reign of Suleiman the Magnificent in Istanbul.

For generations, Western students of the traditional Islamic constitution have assumed that the scholars could offer no meaningful check on the ruler. As one historian has recently put it, although Shariah functioned as a constitution, "the constitution was not enforceable," because neither scholars nor subjects could "compel their ruler to observe the law in the exercise of government." But almost no constitution anywhere in the world enables judges or nongovernmental actors to "compel" the obedience of an executive who controls the means of force. The Supreme Court of the United States has no army behind it. Institutions that lack the power of the sword must use more subtle means to constrain executives. Like the American constitutional balance of powers, the traditional Islamic balance was maintained by words and ideas, and not just by forcible compulsion.

So today's Muslims are not being completely fanciful when they act and speak as though Shariah can structure a constitutional state subject to the rule of law. One big reason that Islamist political parties do so well running on a Shariah platform is that their constituents recognize that Shariah once augured a balanced state in which legal rights were respected.From Shariah to Despotism
But if Shariah is popular among many Muslims in large part because of its historical association with the rule of law, can it actually do the same work today? Here there is reason for caution and skepticism. The problem is that the traditional Islamic constitution rested on a balance of powers between a ruler subject to law and a class of scholars who interpreted and administered that law. The governments of most contemporary majority-Muslim states, however, have lost these features. Rulers govern as if they were above the law, not subject to it, and the scholars who once wielded so much influence are much reduced in status. If they have judicial posts at all, it is usually as judges in the family-law courts.

In only two important instances do scholars today exercise real power, and in both cases we can see a deviation from their traditional role. The first is Iran, where Ayatollah Khomeini, himself a distinguished scholar, assumed executive power and became supreme leader after the 1979 revolution. The result of this configuration, unique in the history of the Islamic world, is that the scholarly ruler had no counterbalance and so became as unjust as any secular ruler with no check on his authority. The other is Saudi Arabia, where the scholars retain a certain degree of power. The unfortunate outcome is that they can slow any government initiative for reform, however minor, but cannot do much to keep the government responsive to its citizens. The oil-rich state does not need to obtain tax revenues from its citizens to operate — and thus has little reason to keep their interests in mind.

How the scholars lost their exalted status as keepers of the law is a complex story, but it can be summed up in the adage that partial reforms are sometimes worse than none at all. In the early 19th century, the Ottoman empire responded to military setbacks with an internal reform movement. The most important reform was the attempt to codify Shariah. This Westernizing process, foreign to the Islamic legal tradition, sought to transform Shariah from a body of doctrines and principles to be discovered by the human efforts of the scholars into a set of rules that could be looked up in a book.

Once the law existed in codified form, however, the law itself was able to replace the scholars as the source of authority. Codification took from the scholars their all-important claim to have the final say over the content of the law and transferred that power to the state. To placate the scholars, the government kept the Shariah courts running but restricted them to handling family-law matters. This strategy paralleled the British colonial approach of allowing religious courts to handle matters of personal status. Today, in countries as far apart as Kenya and Pakistan, Shariah courts still administer family law — a small subset of their original historical jurisdiction.

Codification signaled the death knell for the scholarly class, but it did not destroy the balance of powers on its own. Promulgated in 1876, the Ottoman constitution created a legislature composed of two lawmaking bodies — one elected, one appointed by the sultan. This amounted to the first democratic institution in the Muslim world; had it established itself, it might have popularized the notion that the people represent the ultimate source of legal authority. Then the legislature could have replaced the scholars as the institutional balance to the executive.

But that was not to be. Less than a year after the legislature first met, Sultan Abdulhamid II suspended its operation — and for good measure, he suspended the constitution the following year. Yet the sultan did not restore the scholars to the position they once occupied. With the scholars out of the way and no legislature to replace them, the sultan found himself in the position of near-absolute ruler. This arrangement set the pattern for government in the Muslim world after the Ottoman empire fell. Law became a tool of the ruler, not an authority over him. What followed, perhaps unsurprisingly, was dictatorship and other forms of executive dominance — the state of affairs confronted by the Islamists who seek to restore Shariah.A Democratic Shariah?

The Islamists today, partly out of realism, partly because they are rarely scholars themselves, seem to have little interest in restoring the scholars to their old role as the constitutional balance to the executive. The Islamist movement, like other modern ideologies, seeks to capture the existing state and then transform society through the tools of modern government. Its vision for bringing Shariah to bear therefore incorporates two common features of modern government: the legislature and the constitution.

The mainstream Sunni Islamist position, found, for example, in the electoral platforms of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and the Justice and Development Party in Morocco, is that an elected legislature should draft and pass laws that are consistent with the spirit of Islamic law. On questions where Islamic law does not provide clear direction, the democratically chosen legislature is supposed to use its discretion to adopt laws infused by Islamic values.
The result is a profound change in the theoretical structure underlying Islamic law: Shariah is democratized in that its care is given to a popularly elected legislature. In Iraq, for example, where the constitution declares Shariah to be "the source of law," it is in principle up to the National Assembly to pass laws that reflect its spirit.

In case the assembly gets it wrong, however, the Islamists often recommend the judicial review of legislative actions to guarantee that they do not violate Islamic law or values. What is sometimes called a "repugnancy clause," mandating that a judicial body overturn laws repugnant to Islam, has made its way into several recent constitutions that seek to reconcile Islam and democracy. It may be found, for example, in the Afghan Constitution of 2004 and the Iraqi Constitution of 2005. (I had a small role advising the Iraqi drafters.) Islamic judicial review transforms the highest judicial body of the state into a guarantor of conformity with Islamic law. The high court can then use this power to push for a conservative vision of Islamic law, as in Afghanistan, or for a more moderate version, as in Pakistan.

Islamic judicial review puts the court in a position resembling the one that scholars once occupied. Like the scholars, the judges of the reviewing court present their actions as interpretations of Islamic law. But of course the judges engaged in Islamic judicial review are not the scholars but ordinary judges (as in Iraq) or a mix of judges and scholars (as in Afghanistan). In contrast to the traditional arrangement, the judges' authority comes not from Shariah itself but from a written constitution that gives them the power of judicial review.
The modern incarnation of Shariah is nostalgic in its invocation of the rule of law but forward-looking in how it seeks to bring this result about. What the Islamists generally do not acknowledge, though, is that such institutions on their own cannot deliver the rule of law. The executive authority also has to develop a commitment to obeying legal and constitutional judgments. That will take real-world incentives, not just a warm feeling for the values associated with Shariah.

How that happens — how an executive administration accustomed to overweening power can be given incentives to subordinate itself to the rule of law — is one of the great mysteries of constitutional development worldwide. Total revolution has an extremely bad track record in recent decades, at least in majority-Muslim states. The revolution that replaced the shah in Iran created an oppressively top-heavy constitutional structure. And the equally revolutionary dreams some entertained for Iraq — dreams of a liberal secular state or of a functioning Islamic democracy — still seem far from fruition.

Gradual change therefore increasingly looks like the best of some bad options. And most of today's political Islamists — the ones running for office in Morocco or Jordan or Egypt and even Iraq — are gradualists. They wish to adapt existing political institutions by infusing them with Islamic values and some modicum of Islamic law. Of course, such parties are also generally hostile to the United States, at least where we have worked against their interests. (Iraq is an obvious exception — many Shiite Islamists there are our close allies.) But this is a separate question from whether they can become a force for promoting the rule of law. It is possible to imagine the electoral success of Islamist parties putting pressure on executives to satisfy the demand for law-based government embodied in Koranic law. This might bring about a transformation of the judiciary, in which judges would come to think of themselves as agents of the law rather than as agents of the state.

Something of the sort may slowly be happening in Turkey. The Islamists there are much more liberal than anywhere else in the Muslim world; they do not even advocate the adoption of Shariah (a position that would get their government closed down by the staunchly secular military). Yet their central focus is the rule of law and the expansion of basic rights against the Turkish tradition of state-centered secularism. The courts are under increasing pressure to go along with that vision.

Can Shariah provide the necessary resources for such a rethinking of the judicial role? In its essence, Shariah aspires to be a law that applies equally to every human, great or small, ruler or ruled. No one is above it, and everyone at all times is bound by it. But the history of Shariah also shows that the ideals of the rule of law cannot be implemented in a vacuum. For that, a state needs actually effective institutions, which must be reinforced by regular practice and by the recognition of actors within the system that they have more to gain by remaining faithful to its dictates than by deviating from them.

The odds of success in the endeavor to deliver the rule of law are never high. Nothing is harder than creating new institutions with the capacity to balance executive dominance — except perhaps avoiding the temptation to overreach once in power. In Iran, the Islamists have discredited their faith among many ordinary people, and a similar process may be under way in Iraq. Still, with all its risks and dangers, the Islamists' aspiration to renew old ideas of the rule of law while coming to terms with contemporary circumstances is bold and noble — and may represent a path to just and legitimate government in much of the Muslim world.

Saturday, February 16, 2008

Divine Faith Based Justice

Divine Guidance for Faith Based Justice
Robert D. Crane

Mike Ghouse: I have expressed many a times that if I were to define Islam in one word - it would be Justice. The author writes "This teaches that justice is an expression of truth and that truth originates in the transcendent order of reality not in man-made law."


I. Personal Transformation

Two verses are the most profound in the Qur’an as a source of guidance for faith-based justice. The first is Surah al An’am 6:115, wa tamaat kalimatu rabika sidqan wa ‘adlan, “The Message of your Lord is completed and perfected in truth and in justice.” This teaches that justice is an expression of truth and that truth originates in the transcendent order of reality not in man-made law. The second verse is Surah al Ra’d 13:11, inna Allaha la yughayiru ma bi qawmin hatta yugharayiruu ma bi anfusihim, “God does not change men’s condition unless they change their inner selves.” This teaches the natural law of cause and effect both at the level of the individual person and in the rise and fall of entire civilizations and even of humans as a species.

The message is clear. Personal transformation is the secret to societal transformation. This is step one. Step two, which is the necessary group effort to perfect the institutions of society in the pursuit of justice, depends on step one. The reason is that the pursuit of justice without inner transformation can lead to the unjust search for power as an ultimate end.

We are free to choose between justice and power as ultimate paradigms of thought and action. The greatest gift from the Creator of the universe to sentient beings is the freedom and power to choose between good and evil and thereby to shape their own future. This is also the greatest trial and test, particularly for scholars. A popular metaphor found in the hadith states that the deepest parts of hell will be filled with scholars who do not use their knowledge.

The two major paradigms that guide human action and require choice have always been transcendent justice and material power. Every paradigm or framework of thought contains its own ultimate purpose and its own means to pursue this higher purpose. The major conflict in the world today is between those who pursue justice in order to empower others and those who pursue their own power at the expense of others. The conflict is between those who seek to understand and follow the natural law inherent in all of creation and those who insist on creating their own law as would-be gods.

Unfortunately, the greatest evil comes from those who convince themselves that they are acting to transform the world for the better but do not include themselves in this transformation. This is the essential message of the mystics in every religion, especially the Sufis within Islam and their equivalent in Christianity. This wisdom was well expressed by the Trappist monk, Thomas Merton, as originally published in his book, Contemplation in a World of Action (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1971, page 164), with whom I used to correspond during the Vietnam war, concerning the misuse of power not based in spiritual transformation.

He wrote: “Those who attempt to act and do things for others or for the world without deepening their own self-understanding, freedom, integrity and capacity to love, will not have anything to give others. They will communicate to them nothing but the contagion of their own obsessions, their aggressiveness, their ego-centered ambitions, their delusions about ends and means, their doctrinaire prejudices and ideas. There is nothing more tragic in the modern world than the misuse of power and action to which people are driven by their own Faustian misunderstandings and misapprehensions. We have more power at our disposal today than we have ever had, and yet we are more alienated and estranged from the inner ground of meaning and of love than we have ever been.”

II. Sources of Divine Guidance

Central to both personal and community transformation is the search for divine guidance. In Islam, such guidance comes from three sources. The first is haqq al yaqin or divine guidance through direct revelation to prophets (wahy), of which every religion has its own, as well as from personal inspiration (ilhaam), which is valid only for the person who receives it. The second source is ‘ain l yaqin, which is the coherent order underlying the diversity of physical creation, known also as tauhid from the verb wahada, meaning “to be reduced to one” and “to form unity out of diversity”. This is the source of all scientific knowledge from observing the laws of physical reality. The third source of divine guidance is ‘ilm al yaqin, which is the guidance from our own efforts through ijtihad in the jihad al kabir or “great jihad”, the only one mentioned in the Qur’an, Surah al Furqan 25:52, in both personal and group effort to understand the first two of these three sources. Together these three sources of guidance constitute the substance of natural law, known also as the sunnat Allah.

From the sum of such divine guidance comes the very concept of justice. The essence of justice is the Will of God. This is not an arbitrary precept, but emerges from the divine Being in all the essential attributes of the source of transcendence, which are all reflected in the world of creation, including the very nature of every sentient being.

This concept of universal guidance gave rise in the classical Islamic thought of the third through seventh Islamic centuries to the normative system of law known as the maqasid al shari’ah or the higher purposes of law, without which the interpretation and application of any specific provision can result in injustice. The set of principles is what traditionalist Muslims have understood as a set of virtues but in modern language should be referred to as a universal code of human responsibilities and rights.
The most important of the several human rights in normative Islamic law is known as haqq al din, which means the duty to respect freedom of religion. Haqq al haya requires respect for human life and for the restrictions of the just war doctrine. Respect for the sacredness of human community, based on the sacredness of the individual persons who form free communities, is known as haqq al nasl. Respect for the universal right of every person to private property by individually owning the means of production is covered in haqq al mal. Self-determination of both persons and nations is developed in the principle of haqq al hurriya, otherwise known as political freedom. Gender equity is required in the universal principle of haqq al karama or respect for human dignity. And freedom of thought, speech, and association is demanded by haqq al ‘ilm. These are the basics of natural law in the sense of faith based justice as taught by every world religion and by scientific study of the laws of the universe and by every human’s instinctive awareness of one’s own creation in the image of God. This is what Sufis understand when they conclude their lessons or mudhakarat with the invocation, al hamdu li Allah, wahadu, wa nasta’in, which means, Praise be to God, the One, and the only one from whom we seek guidance.

III. The Intellectual Heritage of Turath

Muslims in principle reject any person or institution as the source of infallible guidance, which is why calls for a new Luther or for the creation of an infallible source of Islamic guidance like the pope in Roman Catholicism or for any kind of intermediary between the individual person and God have always been and always will be rejected.

Muslims, however, do have a highly developed source of truth and justice in their intellectual tradition, known as the turath, which is at least equal to the best of Hinduism, Judaism, and Christianity in the interpretation of basic scriptures. This turath consists in all religions not merely in the substance of meaning but in the terminology to explain it. Christianity lost much of this precision of language when the adopted sacred language of Latin was effectively abandoned. For example, the numerous volumes written over the centuries to define the meaning of bonum, which superficially means merely the good, are now lost because contemporary concepts of “good” bear little resemblance to the traditional richness of thought.

In one of his new books, The Great Theft, Khalid Abou el Fadl defines turath as “the Islamic intellectual heritage”. He has spent his life absorbing the wisdom of the Islamic turath. As the Grand Mufti of Egypt and Shaykh al Azhar, Ali Gomma (Jumma), put it in an interview in the Spring 2005 issue, no. 12, of Islamica, p. 45, “The turath has a shell, its terminology, and if we lose that terminology, we lose its meaning.” To lose the meaning of words as symbolic mimes is to destroy the thought behind them.

A prime example is the term, umma, which means community. In the Qur’an it refers to multiple levels of community in a single person, in keeping with the use of the term “Muslim” throughout the Qur’an to mean anyone who submits lovingly to God, regardless of one’s various levels of community identification. Shaykh Ali Gomma writes in his guidance to Americans, discussed below, that the “Islamic community” consists in those who make the formal Islamic statement of faith and those who are called in other ways to God. “The Muslim understands from the concept of the Community that humanity from the first of creation constitutes One Community. ‘And, verily, this Community of yours is a single Community, since I am the sustainer of you all: remain, then, conscious of Me! (Surah al Muminum - The Believers - 23:52). Because of this, Muslims accept pluralism. ... All religions had a place within the bosum of Islam. ... And He, the Most Glorious, has said: ‘As for those who strive in Us, We surely guide them to Our paths, and, lo, God is with the good’.” (Surah al Ankabut, 29:69)

The fatwas and teachings of Shaykh al Azhar Ali Gomaa are important because his role is the closest that Muslims have to the role of the Pope in Christianity. Serving in this capacity now as the Grand Mufti of Egypt, Shaykh Ali Gomma (’Ali Jumma), recently addressed the major problems of the world from the perspective of the classical wisdom of Islam in the equivalent of an ex cathedra statement entitled “Questions from America.” This was published as six installments in Al Ahram during March and April 2006.

The Shaykh addresses the standard issues, such as woman’s inheritance rights and points out that the Islamic inheritance laws are case specific and therefore complex. “Examining the totality of these cases, which makes a comprehensive system, we find that there are more than 10 cases (or circumstances) in which a woman’s inheritance is equal to a man’s. There are more than 14 cases in which a woman inherits more than a man and there are 5 cases in which a woman inherits and a man does not. In contrast, there are only 4 cases in which a man inherits twice the portion of a woman.”

In this regard, Shaykh Gomaa addresses in some detail the issue of “intra-communal cases before an internal court”, which gained such notoriety after the Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, on February 7, 2008, addressed the subject first in a BBC interview and then formally before the Royal Courts of Justice, without perhaps adequately delineating the limitations on such legal procedures. Shaykh Gomma writes that, “Arrangements in which there is a parallel judiciary draw their effectuality and legal obligation from the larger community and from the fact of its falling under the authority and legitimacy of the state.”

He condemns the rather absurd translation by Marmaduke Pickthall of the word daraba in Surah al Nisa’a 4:34 to mean “scourage”, referring to one’s wife: “As for those from whom ye fear rebellion, admonish them and banish them to beds apart, and scourge them.” The English dictionary meanings of the word “scourage” are “to whip” or “to inflict severe suffering, vengeance, or punishment.” The patriarchal dominance in scholarship over the centuries led to interpreting the word daraba as “beat” in order to justify what may have been common practice, and this then led to the establishmentarian view known as taqlid, which forbid all innovation in thought. In her superb translation of the Qur’an, prepared over a number of years after 9/11, Laleh Bakhtiar, compared the many uses of the term daraba in the Qur’an and concluded that in this instance it clearly means to separate from one’s wife and then obviously only in extremis. This was confirmed in research by AbdulHamid Abusulayman, in his monograph, “Marital Discord: Recapturing the Full Islamic Spirit of Human Dignity”, published by the International Institute of Islamic Thought and reaffirmed by the Chairman of the Fiqh Council of North America, Shaykh Taha Jabir al Alwani, who sits on the World Fiqh Council in Makkah, which identified seventeen different uses of the word daraba in the Qur’an. Dr. Abusulayman observes that the general connotation of daraba in Qur’anic parlance is “separate, distance, depart, and abandon.” The “beating” verse refers to separation as a last resort, and itself must be interpreted within the context of the Prophet’s teaching that, “the worst of all permissible things is divorce.”

Shaykh Ali Gomma has shocked the benighted in the Muslim community by advising that Muslim girls in French schools should not wear the hijab or head scarf if for whatever reason this would offend the local community where they live, because this is a good practice of modesty but not an essential part of their religion.

Especially he has strongly condemned the ignorance among Muslims about other religions, and cited as one cause the failure of Islamic scholars to provide an Arabic translation of the Hindu Vedas and of such scholarly works as the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, which was published in English a century ago in 1912. One might add that neither have Muslim scholars ever compiled an encyclopedia of natural law to gather in one place the wisdom of all the world religions on faith based justice, even though the first person to make such an attempt was Roger Bacon, who lectured on Islam at Oxford in Arab clothes in the mid-thirteenth century and regarded Ibn Sina as the greatest of the Islamic philosophers.

IV. Institutionalizing the Islamic Heritage

Fortunately, the Muslim world now has many means to revive and preserve the classical formulations of Islam in the Islamic turath, despite the un-Islamic nature of what erroneously is referred to as the Islamic world. The most eminent perhaps is The Islamic Research Academy at Al Azhar University in Cairo. The name Jurisprudence Academy for this academy was rejected when it was founded in the 1960s in order to underline the importance of including within the realm of natural law and faith based justice all the so-called modern disciplines of medicine, astronomy, engineering, law, politics, and economics. Another such institution is the Islamic Fiqh Academy of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, which was founded in 1980 and now has published forty volumes of its journal.

A major institution of turath is the Islamic Jurisprudence Council of the Muslim World League based in Mecca. This has autonomous branches in many countries, including the North American Fiqh Council, which last met on February 6, 2008, to discuss, among other things, the prospect of so-called minority fiqh. Such flexible jurisprudence is designed to provide guidance from the maqasid al shari’ah in adapting the regulations or rulings of the fiqh to the systems of customary and “statutory” or positivist law in countries where Muslims are in a minority. This pluralist system, based on the statements of the Prophet Muhammad and of the early jurisprudents, recognized that every nation’s customary law or ‘urf is binding on Muslims who choose to adopt this community as part of their identity, provided only that such customary law does not violate fundamental human rights, and provided that the system of human rights as developed in the maqasid al shari’ah is recognized in the customary law of the local populace.

This revival of “minority fiqh”, based on the classically Islamic approach of normative law was introduced a hundred years ago after centuries of intellectual coma in the Muslim world by Shaykh ‘Abd al Rahman Ilaysh and was explained by Fathi Osman in his lecture tour with Hashim Kamali and me at the major English universities in August-September 1997 and in Fathi Osman’s book, Understandings of the Qur’an. These new directions in Islamic thought have been pursued systematically by the original head of the North American Fiqh Council, Shaykh Taha Jabir al Alwani, and by ‘Abd al-Hamid Abu Sulayman, the original head of the International Institute of Islamic Thought, which is based in Herndon, Virginia, and has many offices throughout the world.

Other similar institutions that are now springing up all over the world include the International Union for Muslim Scholars and the European Council for Fatwa and Research, which address such cultural monstrosities as clitorectomies, stoning women to death, and executing apostates, as well as the universal evils of both clerical and secular totalitarianism, which have either alienated or caught the imagination of an angry, younger generation.

V. Maintaining Purity of Intention

Even the best people with the best intentions must guard against turning the means to justice into an end. In the field of social justice, the means are strategies to perfect the institutions that pose barriers to justice. The end should be to empower others, not to empower oneself, but this can be reversed if the search for power becomes an end in itself, as it has among many of the Islamists, like Syed Qutb, and among many of the so-called NeoCons in America.

Secular people are more prone to self-worship than are religious people, as demonstrated by the tens of millions of persons killed by secular utopians. Before the twentieth century, when religion was the dominant force in society, religious utopians posed the greatest threat. At the beginning of the twentieth-first century, perhaps the last gasp of secularism has made the secularists the greatest threat, as represented by the American NeoCons. The greatest threat during the foreseeable future, however, may be the hybrid threat represented by Osama bin Laden, who claims to be religious but represents the exact opposite of what all the world religions teach.

The problem arises because everyone’s human nature is to seek something beyond oneself. If a transcendent god is eliminated than one’s nature calls for worshiping an immanent god, like Hitler or the Communist party or the land of Israel or “the American way of life” as a substitute for transcendent reality.

The essence of justice is the pursuit of man’s highest calling, which is to seek truth, love, and justice by recognizing and promoting the dignity of every person, by respecting the wisdom of the past as a guide for a better future, and by working in solidarity together with others in the pursuit of these purposes by persistently practicing the virtues of charity, compassion, humility, tolerance, and trust.

The danger, which we must always keep in mind, is that we will not pursue our highest calling, which is the pursuit of justice within the framework of truth and love, but instead will fall victim to frustration, fear, alienation, and hatred, and then pursue instead power, prestige, and plutocracy, which are the roots of injustice, perhaps best neologistically encapsuled in the generic term “NeoConservatism”.

In any false ideology, the prefix “neo” indicates that it is false. Placing the “neo” in front of “conservatism,” indicates that it is fraudulent, which is precisely why it is so dangerous. It is the perfect example of the metaphor of the Anti-Christ, which the Christians and Muslims use to describe the evil of reversing truth and falsehood. According to the popular Muslim hadith, the Dajjal or Anti-Christ will tell his would-be followers: “If you see fire, enter it, because it is cool like water, and if you see cool water, stay away, because it is fire.” Many people take such accounts literally, and they are perfectly free to do so, but the message or mythology is what counts. The mythology or symbolism of poetry is stronger than prose.

By definition, if a self-professed NeoCon would accept the premise that justice is the surest road to power, and that power must always be the servant of justice within a paradigm of truth and love and faith based reconciliation, then he or she would no longer be a NeoCon. And, conversely, if someone who professes to seek justice and exhibits all the characteristics of generic neo-conservatism, he or she would no longer be seeking justice. Appearances often are illusory, just as what appears to an illusory search for justice can reflect ultimate reality.

Many people who seek justice rely on ethics, which may be defined as the search for coherent meaning without basing it on faith. This may result in the same code of human responsibilities and rights, but the temptation to pervert this understanding in the search for revenge and destructive power is greater. Many such well-intentioned people have suffered so much from religious totalitarians that they have turned into militant enemies of all religion. At best they consider that faith-based justice is a snare and that any consideration of it is a counter-productive and wasteful use of time and effort because it diverts attention from the most urgent evil in the world which they insist is religion itself and especially Islam.

VI. The Temptation to Islamophobia

The rejection of justice as a defining goal of foreign and domestic policy can have practical consequences. Thus Islamophobes, those who would create Muslims as an enemy if they did not already have the real thing in the caves of Afghanistan, have converted “moral puritans” into “covert terrorists.” The term “moderate Muslim” has come to mean Muslims who reject the Qur’an as a source of truth and justice. Daniel Pipes seems to go even further by defining a Muslim moderate as any Muslim who agrees with him on Israel, which is why he reaches the conclusion that there are few if any Muslim moderates and that all real Muslims are inherently extremists and potential terrorists.

In assessing the generic threat of Neo-Conservatism as a global ideology, it is essential to recognize that American Neo-Conservatism has never had anything to do with political Zionism, even though many of the founding NeoConservatives a generation or two ago happened to be Jews. The justification for this conclusion was spelled out in some detail in my book, Shaping the Future: Challenge and Response, Praeger/CBS, published in 1997, and condensed on May 2, 2003, in my essay, “The Neo-Conservative Alliance: A Constellation of Competing Paradigms”, in http://www.theamericanmuslim.org, and again made available for Google in the article, “Competing Visions in American Politics: Obama versus McCain,” on February 9, 2008.

Much less has Neo-Conservatism had anything to do with spiritual Zionism, which Jews have traditionally understood as the return to God. In this sense, every Muslim should be a Zionist and should be a follower of the greatest spiritual leader of the twentieth century, Rebbe Abraham Izaac Kook, who was the Chief Rabbi of Palestine from 1919 until the outbreak of the first great Palestinian intifada against Brtish imperialism beginning in 1935.

The dynamic behind NeoConservatism in any culture is paranoid and existential fear. The grand old man of the neo-conservative grand strategy was the social philosopher, Leo Strauss. Born in 1899 in Germany, he was deeply influenced by the Nazi takeover of Germany in 1933 from the Weimar Republic, which Strauss asserted “presented the spectacle of justice without power, or of a justice incapable of resorting to power.” The Straussians, based in his Committee on Social Thought at the University of Chicago, laid the foundation for the neo-conservatives’ paranoia about the threat of universal chaos and for their conviction that peace is possible only by proactive projection of force to preempt the very possibility of attacks on America’s vital interests.
Strauss’s influence on neo-conservatism and its influence today is perhaps best shown by the impact on President Bush in March, 2001, before 9/11, by the former Israeli military man, Robert D. Kaplan, who briefed President Bush on his book, The Coming Anarchy: Shattering the Dreams of the Post Cold War. Kaplan presented his thesis that the world faces a “Lord of the Flies meltdown,” that America’s dominance is tenuous, and that “the most important moral commitment for America is to preserve its power.”

Kaplan’s subsequent book, Warrior Politics: Why Leadership Demands a Pagan Ethos, was required reading in the higher circles of Washington policymaking leading up to the attack on Iraq in March, 2003. Kaplan’s basic message is that, “Our moral values … represent our worst vulnerabilities,” and that the only realistic grand strategy for America after 9/11 is to follow the enduring relevance of ancient principles represented by the great empires of antiquity. The new element in the world after 9/11, according to Kaplan, is that barbarians have exploited a global ideology – Islam - to recruit “holy warriors” and allies in a global war that has now struck at the heart of the empire. The only adequate counter-strategy is to remake the map of the Middle East, and indeed of the world, not geographically but through regime change in order to eliminate the ideological infrastructure of terrorism.

This is right out of Leo Strauss’s playbook, though Strauss was a master of the classical philosophy of the ancients and not a military strategist. Strauss saw an inherent tension between liberalism, which can lead to relativism, and the active defense of democracy by bold measures against forces that do not share American values or the traditional values of any religion. Although he was an atheist Jew, Strauss emphasized the necessity of superiority in principles, even if this required the ministrations of religion to maintain the solidarity of the populace. He taught that the key to pro-active democracy against its enemies is the “superiority of the regime,” by which the younger or second-generation Straussians understand a quasi-religious exaltation of American values worldwide against the threat of both state and sub-state tyrannies of thought and action.

This new interpretation of Strauss’s basic concepts can embody utopian messianism on a par with that of modern Evangelicals. Both the first and second-generation followers of Leo Strauss call for the rule of law in the world but only after a new world order has been established by astute orchestration of America’s overwhelming military and economic power.

True to their philosophical god-father, the present-day neo-cons have had no qualms about and striking success in constructing a working alliance among establishmentarians, religious devotees, and their own revolutionary vision. This vision calls for global acceptance of their own universal paradigm under the auspices of their own planetary regime.

The importance of words or symbolic memes and the danger of their manipulation in a mimetic war against truth and justice and against any possible outbreak of faith-based reconciliation is evident in the misuse of the term “conservative” by those who preface it with the term “neo”. This misuse of words has made intelligent discussion of values difficult. “Conservative” no longer means “traditionalist” in the sense of the “permanent things” that partake of transcendent reality. Both Osama bin Laden and the Pentagon’s ex-guru Douglas Feith, as the most articulate ideologues of their common faith, claim to be conservatives but are in fact the exact opposite. Some NeoCons reportedly are now calling themselves Neo-Liberals in anticipation of a Democratic victory in the presidential election of 2008. But, they are not liberals in the classical nineteenth-century sense of supporting individual freedom, especially from government. They represent at best the new “liberalism” that has come to mean the search for salvation from chaos and fear through acquiring and exploiting a monopoly of governmental power.

Both of these superficially opposite groups of extremists, the ones in the caves of Afghanistan and the ones in the White House, can best be described by the generic neologism “Neo-Conservative” or “false conservative” because in fact they are destroying their heritage from the best of the traditionalist past, as suggested in my article, “Blood Brothers and the Global Axis of Evil,” published on February 12, 2008, in the online scholarly journal, http://www.theamericanmuslim.org.

VII. The Danger of “Islamic Reformers”

The generic term “NeoConservative” might also apply to those would-be Islamic reformers who want to create a new religion by replacing justice with freedom, and defining freedom as freedom from the Qur’an and Islamic law. Rather than reviving the enlightened understandings of divine revelation and the insights of jurisprudential analysis from the classical past, which have produced the maqasid al shari’ah as humankind’s most sophisticated code of human responsibilities and rights, the “Muslim NeoConservatives” want to jettison the past and start over to develop a new positivist ideology based on human power as a substitute for God.

Rather than reviving the turath or classical Islamic heritage, the so-called Muslim reformers in America, as taught by their newfound mentors, are claiming that it does not exist. Instead, they have been conned, or better yet “neo-conned”, into supporting terroristic counter-terrorism against the terrorism of the equally neo-conned followers of Osama bin Laden, whereby each extreme reinforces the autistic dementia of the other in a race to universal perdition.

VIII. Conclusion

The search for peace, prosperity, and freedom can succeed only if it is pursued as a result of justice, and justice can provide the necessary guidance only if it is faith-based. Specific faith-based strategies might lead to a confederation of peoples in the Holy Land and to something similar in the Fertile Crescent, Afghanistan, Pakistan, The Sudan, and various other conflict areas in the world. These new forms of self-determination of persons and communities might be based on perfecting the institutions of money and credit boldly designed to remove the barriers to the expansion of individual ownership of wealth producing assets, including oil.

Regardless of the implementing strategies, the key will always be personal transformation from the bottom of society upwards. This has always been the message of all the prophets since the first cavemen millennia ago and no doubt would be the message of prophets millennia in the future if civilization lasts so long This certainly would be the message of prophets in civilizations on other planets in neighboring galaxies if we earthlings should ever venture so far out into our common cosmic home.

MUSLIM SPEAKER

MUSLIM SPEAKER
Email to: SpeakerMikeGhouse@gmail.com

Voice of Moderate Muslims

Voice of Moderate Muslims
Voice of Moderate Muslims

Moderate Islam Speaker

Moderate Islam Speaker
Moderate Islam Speaker

quraan burning

Planned Muslim Response to Qur'an Burning by Pastor Jones on September 11 in Mulberry, Florida

PRESS RELEASE
August 19, 2013| Dallas, Texas

Mike Ghouse
Text/Talk: (214) 325-1916
MikeGhouse@aol.com

Mirza A Beg
(205) 454-8797
mirza.a.beg@gmail.com

www.WorldMuslimCongress.com


PLANNED MUSLIMS RESPONSE TO QUR'AN BURNING BY PASTOR JONES ON 9/11/13 IN MULBERRY, FLORIDA

We as Muslims plan to respond to pastor Terry Jones' planned burning of 3000 copies of Quran on September 11, 2013 in positive terms.

Our response - we will reclaim the standard of behavior practiced by the Prophet concerning “scurrilous and hostile criticism of the Qur’an” (Muhammad Asad Translation Note 31, verse 41:34). It was "To overcome evil with good is good, and to resist evil by evil is evil." It is also strongly enjoined in the Qur’an in the same verse 41:34, “Good and evil deeds are not equal. Repel evil with what is better; then you will see that one who was once your enemy has become your dearest friend.”

God willing Muslims will follow the divine guidance and pray for the restoration of Goodwill, and on that day many Muslim organizations will go on a “blood drive” to save lives and serve humanity with kindness.

We invite fellow Americans of all faiths, races, and ethnicities to join us to rededicate the pledge, “One nation under God”, and to build a cohesive America where no American has to live in apprehension, discomfort or fear of fellow Americans. This event is a substitute for our 10th Annual Unity Day Celebration (www.UnitydayUSA.com) held in Dallas, but now it will be at Mulberry, Florida.

Unwittingly Pastor Jones has done us a favor by invigorating us by his decision to burn nearly 3000 copies Quran on September 11, 2013. Obviously he is not satisfied by the notoriety he garnered by burning one Qur'an last year.

As Muslims and citizens we honor the free speech guaranteed in our constitution. We have no intentions to criticize, condemn or oppose Pastor Terry Jones' freedom of expression. Instead, we will be donating blood and praying for goodness to permeate in our society.

We plan to follow Jesus Christ (pbuh), a revered prophet in Islam as well as Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) – that of mitigating the conflicts and nurturing good will for the common good of the society.

We hope, this event and the message will remind Muslims elsewhere in the world as well, that violence is not the way. Muslims, who react violently to senseless provocation, should realize that, violence causes more violence, and besmirches the name of the religion that we hold so dear. We believe that Prophet Muhammad was a mercy to the mankind, and we ought to practice what we believe and preach. We must not insult Islam by the negative reactions of a few.

We can only hope it will bring about a change in the attitude of the followers of Pastor Jones, and in the behavior of those Muslims who reacted violently the last time Pastor sought notoriety – We hope this small step towards a bridge to peaceful coexistence would propel us towards building a cohesive society.

Like most Americans a majority of Muslims quietly go about their own business, but it is time to speak up and take positive action instead of negative reaction. May this message of peace and goodwill reverberate and reach many shores.

Lastly, we appreciate the Citizens of Mulberry, Florida, Honorable Mayor George Hatch, City Commissioners, police and Fire Chiefs for handing this situation very well. This will add a ‘feather of peace’ in the City’s reputation. We hope Mulberry will be a catalyst in showing the way in handling conflict with dignity and peace.

We thank the Media for giving value to the work towards peace rather than conflict.






URL- http://worldmuslimcongress.blogspot.com/2013/08/planned-muslim-response-to-quran_18.html



Thank you.

CIVIL DIALOGUE

The people in Dallas are making an effort to understand and clean their own hearts first, when we are free from bias, it would be easy to share that with others. Islam teaches us in so many ways to "respect the otherness of others" and it is time we find simple practical ways of doing it.